culture

Culture

Structure

Introduction

Despite the abolition of the sultanates, the advent of colonization and independence did not fundamentally alter traditional social structures. On the contrary, in the villages, the population strengthened the traditional status groups.

Village society is divided into status groups linked to age classes; progression through this hierarchy depends on fulfilling various customary obligations and the associated expenses, rather than on age alone. Indeed, one finds adults in groups theoretically reserved for children, when the latter have not had the means to cover the expenses that each change of rank requires. These groups provide the proper framework for an individual's moral and material fulfillment within society. The fundamental distinction rests on the accomplishment of the 'ndola nkuu' (grand marriage), also known as custom or tradition, ânda. As a foundational institution of Comorian society, the grand marriage governs the exchange of an entire series of gifts and counter-gifts and confers an honorable status in society upon whoever completes it. It involves not only the spouses but also their families, their friends, and even the inhabitants of an entire region. It is carried out in several stages spread over nearly the whole of the candidate's life, stages that differ in form and importance from village to village. Their duration also depends on the means available to the spouses.

All these social contributions aim toward a single goal: honor, or 'sheo'. While adding to the burden, this system of social stratification grows more pronounced by the day and fuels competition both within and between groups. The scale of the ceremony and the expenses incurred for the occasion generally determine an individual's social standing.

Until they begin the grand-marriage cycle, young boys belong to the 'una-mdji' (village youth). Once it begins, men fall into the transitional category of guzi, before gaining access to the 'undru-udzima' (class of accomplished men). The two categories of una-mdji and undru-udzima are in turn subdivided into further sub-categories.

Youth

The unamdji is made up of several hirimu (ranked age classes). Advancement depends both on age and on fulfilling certain customary obligations, which consist of feasts offered to the community and are therefore not always within every family's means. The transition happens by group.

The 'mshondjé' group forms the base tier of the unamdji. It is responsible for all of the village's lesser tasks. It generally comprises young boys between eight and fifteen years old. As the first step on the path of honors, this hirimu's main role is also to introduce young adolescents to communal life. Through the many tasks they take on — collecting rubbish on the bangwe, announcing deaths, carrying out every order given by their elders, and so on — the mshondjé learn the basics of the village's day-to-day life.

The 'mzugua' group comes immediately after the mshondjé. Theoretically between fifteen and twenty-five years old, they are responsible, among other things, for making musical instruments and providing cultural entertainment during major community festivities. They may mock anyone who has treated them poorly, which makes them a group the villagers hold in some fear. It is the mzugua who set in motion the procedures for claiming power that shift the age groups up the ladder. The 'mfomanamdji' group (kings of the village's children) is the highest hirimu within the unamdji. It theoretically includes young men between 25 and 40 years old. This group is led by three principal figures: the 'mfomahirimu' (king of the hirimu, head of the group), a 'mkalimani' (spokesman), and a treasurer who holds the 'benge' (public funds). It is this group that makes the important decisions binding on all mnamdji. When there is communal work to be done, they organize its distribution and oversee its completion. Neither the mzugua nor, still less, the mshondjé may ever challenge their decisions; they owe them submission and obedience. At large communal meals, the mfomanamdji reserve the most generous portions for themselves.

It is the father or maternal uncle who formally approaches the head of the mshondjé to request that a child be admitted to the group. On this occasion, a ceremonial meal is offered to all the mnamdji. Any change of category requires the approval of the members of the group above. The driving force behind these changes is the mzugua group, since they occupy an in-between position and aspire to become mfomanamdji. Among the mfomanamdji, however, few readily accept the change of status proposed by the mzugua, since it would oblige them to join the less enviable guzi group. In this tense situation, each of the two groups seeks support among the adults belonging to the undru-udzima; to delay the inevitable, the mfomanamdji do not hesitate to resort to under-the-table dealings (mdruhura). When the request for a change of status is finally accepted by both sides, the mshondjé rise to the rank of mzugua, and the mzugua rise in turn to that of mfomanamdji.

Guzi

The guzi group is a kind of holding category reserved for those who, for lack of means, have not yet managed to solemnly celebrate every stage of the grand marriage, particularly the final one known as undjadahoni (entry into the house). Guzi are held in low regard within the village and are rarely included in major debates. In many villages they are nicknamed wandrutsao ("those people there"). It is a humiliating status for the individual, one that constantly calls his 'sheo' (honor) into question. In the most difficult circumstances, a guzi will not hesitate to sell a field, a house, or any other valuable possession in order to preserve his dignity and rise to the rank of mdrumdzima. Those who succeed in organizing the undjadahoni festivities naturally change status and become respected figures, warmly welcomed in community gatherings.

Undruudzima

Moving from the unamdji to the undruudzima requires completing the grand marriage. This class of mdru-mdzima is not uniform, and its structure varies considerably from one village to another and from one region to another. Once the required festivities have taken place, the villager is henceforth regarded as a man of sound judgment (mdru-wa-fikra), someone who must be consulted whenever an important decision is to be made in the village. While the mnamdji form the village's most active group, handling major development projects and cultural life, the mdrumdzima embody the village's supreme authority. They make the most important decisions, the ones that bind the whole village, and these decisions generally admit no appeal. The mdrumdzima belong to the most honored social categories in the village, both in public assemblies and in customary ceremonies. They may speak freely at village gatherings and are permanently involved in the distribution of gifts during the 'ndola nkuu' (grand marriage) festivities, a ceremony they themselves are expected to have already celebrated with splendor and magnificence.

Above the mdrumdzima stand the mfomamaji (king of the village). These are men who have not only completed their own grand marriage and that of their eldest daughter, but who have also, finally, offered the village what is known as the 'mbe-ya-maji' (village ox). The social structure has its rules at every level. Breaches of the village hierarchy are punished by a 'mau' (fine) decided by the elders: an apology gift, usually a goat or an ox, handed over to the higher group. So, if a mshondjé speaks in public to a member of a higher group, or refuses to carry out an order, or fails to yield the right of way, he can be punished with a mau. The mau is imposed on the offender's family, who are held collectively responsible; until it is paid, the family is ostracized and excluded from all village ceremonies.

Anda

Introduction

While the advent of colonization had somewhat tarnished the reputation of the mdrumdzima, it had not pushed them into the background. Entrenched in their villages, the mdrumdzima formed a kind of counter-power that the colonial authorities could not ignore. They accepted modern institutions only insofar as these respected the traditional social order. In recent years, however, the system has come under more serious strain.

Boto

The term boto describes a young man fond of fashion and flair. In the Comoros, it came to designate young people in revolt against the traditional social order in general, and against parental authority in particular. For years, the boto were at the heart of social controversy.

The uboto movement was born in Moroni at the end of the 1968-1969 period. Beyond its important political role, Moroni at the time drew Comorian youth in large numbers through its cultural vibrancy: a proliferation of cultural and music associations, major cultural events at the Alliance Française and at Al Camar, and so on. It was, in fact, young people from these various cultural circles who, in one way or another, carried the uboto movement outward, and it soon spread to other villages on the island as well as to Mohéli, Anjouan, and Mayotte. This rebellion was, without much difficulty, absorbed back into traditional society and left its mark on oral literature, particularly in song.

Contestation

The revolutionary period that followed the archipelago's independence saw an attempt at a brutal reform of Comorian society. The regime led by Ali Soilihi set up committees of fervent young revolutionaries in the villages to replace the traditional authority of the undruudzima and the unamdji. Ill-prepared for such a socio-political upheaval and unwilling to share the enthusiasm of the young, the vast majority of Comorians opposed, in one way or another, this radical remaking of society. The revolutionaries had overlooked the fact that, traditionally, Comorians place supreme value on religious and customary principles: religious, because Islam, the bedrock of Comorian society, is one of the fundamental values from which Comorians draw their entire social morality; customary, because every social act must find its justification within the ânda. This system, applied over a three-year period that Comorians nicknamed 'maha miraru ya tabu' (three years of hardship), significantly weakened traditional social structures without ever managing to convince the majority of Comorians of its superiority. So, as soon as President Ahmed Abdallah returned to power in 1978, the old order was restored without difficulty, and social activities tied to the anda resumed in full force, as though nothing had happened. Those who had not been able to complete certain anda festivities, or who had only partly completed them, even had to celebrate them all over again. Today, Comorians continue to live with a somewhat ambiguous situation that recognizes both the traditional institutions in their entirety and those established in 1978, which form the basis of the Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros.

The Supernatural

Introduction

Historical legend has it that djinns founded the archipelago's earliest settlements. They are said to have come from the sea, back in the distant time of the Prophet Solomon. Once settled on the islands, they are said to have married first among themselves and later with humans. These unions are said to have produced djinn-men whose legendary exploits remain very much alive in popular imagination. Along these lines, S. Chouzour (1989), drawing on Prince Said Houssein (1982), cites the case of one of the last great mwalimu (diviner-astrologers) of Moroni, Djoumbe Foumou, who is said to have married a female djinn. In earlier times, this was reportedly a common practice, one that Said Houssein traces back to the era of the maferembwe.

The beliefs recounted in these legends — beliefs that Islam, though deeply rooted in Comorian minds, has never fully managed to suppress — remain very much alive today. Djinns are, in many respects, readily accepted by the population. Their existence is, moreover, acknowledged in the Quran, which states that God, the Almighty, created both mankind and djinns.

Djinns

The séras (devils), for their part, are portrayed as the sworn enemies of mankind in general and of Muslims in particular. Unlike djinns, the séras have no regard for Islam and are thus equated with Satan, or Shetwani.

Djinns and séras can manifest themselves during possession ceremonies known as 'ngoma-za-madjini', organized by a fundi wa-madjini (master of the djinns). Gathered around him are various individuals said to be 'possessed', or hosts to spirits, along with drummers whose beats are believed capable of 'raising' the spirits; the fundi-wa-madjini is then able to identify them, interpret their wishes, and ensure that they do not trouble the living. Indeed, many illnesses are understood as resulting from a spirit's intervention upon a person, and recovery can only be achieved once the spirit relinquishes its hold on that person. Beyond djinns and séras, the Comorian supernatural world also includes the trumba, or Malagasy spirits. These tend to haunt Comorians who have spent time in Madagascar, and they generally demand alcohol in order to manifest.